Vivek Umrao Glendenning The Founder, CEO, and the Editor, Ground Report India The Vice-Chancellor & Co-Founder, The Gokul Social University
The distinctions :
Rejuvenation of four rivers, 250 large water harvesting structures (JOHAD/जोहड़) in more than 100 villages, 25,000 families, 200,000 people and 60 million dollars annual economy in ten years period (2006 to 2016).
200 drinking water ponds (KUND/कुंड), most of them between 1998-2005.
Converting thousands of acres barren land into fertile land.
Forests rejuvenation, plantation and development.
Holistic development.
Amla Ruia didn't start working with wealthy and powerful farmers. She began working with peasants.
Amla Ruia did not begin working in fertile areas.
She started working with her family's money.
There was no land acquired by Amla Ruia's organisation for building offices, staff residences, or a campus. Neither did she use public funds to buy lands or build buildings for offices, staff housing or the campus.
Rather than using media publicity, she developed her works on her own. In various states in India, she reached hundreds of villages through word-of-mouth.
Around nineteen years ago, Amla Ruia, following the voice of her consciousness, started to build drinking-water ponds in Shekhavati, Rajasthan, to solve the lack of drinking water problem. Over a period of seven to eight years, she built around 200 KUNDs. During her search for solutions to the problem, she contacted many water activists in India, including Rajendra Singh, who was awarded the Ramon Magsaysay Award in 2001 and Stockholm Water Prize in 2015. Following the trial-and-error method, she decided to use her own experiences.
The groundwater revolution
Changing the lives of thousands of very poor peasant-families
With the suicides of farmers, her daughter, who married into the family of late Jaidayal Dalmia who founded the Dalmia Group of companies, was unsettled. She gave money to her mother Amla so she could help farmers financially. During her work on the construction of drinking-ponds, Amla Ruia realized that financial support was not a solution, as a farmer will again be in financial crisis after spending his money. Amla discussed her ideas with her daughter regarding a sustainable economy.
Amla began building a water harvesting structure in 2005-2006, with the help of her daughter's money, in a village in Neem Ka Thana, Sikar, Rajasthan, a region with little rainfall, dry hills and stony ground. During her 60s, she was constantly traveling from Mumbai, Maharashtra to Neema ka Thana, Rajasthan to build this JOHAD. Even though she came from one of the wealthiest families in India, she would often work as a labourer if she needed to. Having this mindset and commitment, she became knowledgeable in the building technologies of JOHAD and learned about the village family and social system. Later on, she built hundreds of JOHADs, and became an expert in the field of water harvesting structures and community motivation.
Several rivers in the region, including GADRATA and GARNAU, have been revitalized due to the construction of JOHAD chains. Rivers and forests have been revitalized, bringing an economic revolution to many villages. The villagers began calling Amla Ruia PANI MATA (water mother). Amla Ruia gained the trust of the people and began walking towards self-sustainability and development.
Rivers Rejuvenation (Photos)
Up to 70% of the cost of the new JOHAD is contributed by Amla Ruia, her family, her friends and her voluntary organization. Village-funds are established by her in each village; each family contributes a percentage of their annual agriculture income to the village-fund. Village funds are used for new JOHADs, forest development, and maintenance or as the village committee determines for village development.
Villagers were inspired by Amla Ruia to use solar energy for lighting and drinking water pumps. There are solar lights in the homes and streets of these villages. Solar lights are used by children for studying and by women for household chores at night.
Women no longer need to carry heavy water pots many kilometres for domestic use; instead, solar pumps are used for groundwater. Villagers say that we cultivate groundwater and use groundwater. Villagers have started to send their children to better schools and cities because they can now afford the expenses. Women are also involved in the building of JOHADs, they serve on village committees for JOHADs, and they contribute to village funds, so they have a say in the decision-making process.
For each cow that Amla Ruia provides to villagers, they are asked to contribute a healthy heifer, free of charge, to their neighbour or someone in another village in reciprocity.
Chemical fertilisers and pesticides are not used in these villages. Natural organic compost is made by decomposing plant matter in JOHADs, along with the flow of rainwater from forests. Profits are good for farmers due to very low recurring costs. These villages now have concrete houses, tractors, motorbikes, cows, buffaloes, water-coolers, and fans.
Cauliflowers
Bottle Gourds
Rabi Crop
Millet
Tomatoes
Wheat
Amla Ruia in an agricultural field
The newest JOHAD, which cost INR 3.5 million (about 55,000 USD), generated INR 545 million (about 8.4 million USD) in net income for 700 families across seven villages in the first year.
In Ramgarh, Rajasthan, Amla Ruia founded an education center with innovative teaching methods. This center does not use traditional teaching methods. Instead, it uses self-learning, open classrooms, free-group learning, and creative techniques.
A teacher training center was also founded by her in Ramgarh, Rajasthan. The centre invites non-government teachers across India to help them improve their teaching skills. The center focuses on practical learning. Trainers gain experience by teaching various ages of students, ranging from small children to teenagers. Teachers and students at this center are provided with food and accommodation for free. There is no charge for training.
Amla Ruia teaching kids
No conventional classroom
Self Learning Methods
Teacher is only for support
Amla Ashok Ruia
Amla Ruia is around 70 years old and still very active; she has expanded her work from Rajasthan to the various villages of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and other states.
One of the wealthiest families in India, Shanti Prasad Jain of West Bengal was her grandfather. She married Ashok Ruia, owner of Phoenix Mills Limited, which was founded by textile tycoon Mr Ramnarain Ruia. Phoenix Mills, Dawn Mills, and Bradbury Mills were owned by Ruia.
Rather than take a job for money after graduating from mechanical engineering and working on renewable energy research, he chose to do volunteer work with exploited and marginalized groups in very backward areas rather than working for a salary.
In India, a PhD scholarship from a European university could be a lifetime dream for a student, but he preferred to work with marginalized communities rather than accept a PhD scholarship from a European university.
He walked many thousands of miles covering thousands of villages over a period of time to obtain ground realities and unmanipulated, primary information. Through these intense marches, meetings, and community discussions, he had direct dialogue with more than a million people before he was forty.
In his work, he has been researching, understanding and implementing concepts of social economy, participatory local governance, education, citizen journalism, ground reporting and rural reporting, freedom of expression, bureaucratic accountability, tribal development and village development, relief, rehabilitation and village revival.
His work in India included establishing or co-founding various social organizations, educational and health institutions, cottage industries, marketing systems, and community universities for education, social economy, health, the environment, the social environment, renewable-energy, groundwater, river revitalization, social justice, and sustainability.
About fifteen years ago, he got married to an Australian hydrology-scientist, but stayed in India for more than a decade to work for exploited and marginalized communities. The couple decided before marriage that they will not have a child until their presence in India is required for the ongoing works. Therefore, they waited eleven years to have a baby after their marriage.
Hundreds of thousands of people from marginalized groups in backward areas of India love and regard him, and even consider him a family member. All these achievements and prestige he had achieved were left behind when he became a full-time father to his son and put his life on hold. Before leaving India, he donated everything except some clothes, mobiles, and laptops.
He now lives in Canberra with his son and wife. He contributes to journals and social media that cover social issues in India. He also provides counseling to local activists working for social solutions in India. Additionally, he is involved with some international peace and sustainability groups.
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Through Ground Report India editions, Vivek organized nationwide or semi-national tours to explore the ground realities covering up to 15000 kilometres in each one or two months to establish a constructive ground journalism platform with social accountability.
As a writer, he has written a book in Hindi, “मानसिक, सामाजिक, आर्थिक स्वराज्य की ओर”, about various social issues including community development, water, agriculture, ground works, and conditioning of thought & mind. Several reviews say it covers "What" "Why" "How" practically for the socioeconomic development of India.
He has been an editor at Tribune Media Services and a reporter, columnist and copy desk chief at Lerner Newspapers, Chicago. Koehler launched his column in 1999.
Robert Koehler has received numerous writing and journalism awards over a 30-year career in USA. He writes about values and meaning with reverence for life. He is praised as “blatantly relevant” and “a hero of democracy”.
The dogs growl, the pepper spray bites, the bulldozers tear up the soil.
This isn’t Flint, Michigan, but I feel the presence of its suffering in this cry of outrage at the Standing Rock Reservation in North Dakota. No more, no more. You will not poison our water or continue ravaging Planet Earth: mocking its sacredness, destroying its eco-diversity, reshaping and slowly killing it for profit.
The dogs growl, the pepper spray bites, the bulldozers tear up the soil and a judge rules against the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe’s demand that construction of the Dakota Access pipeline be stopped. Sorry, the wishes of the rich and powerful come first. And you protesters are just common criminals.
But sometimes the forces of corporate supremacy don’t get the final word. Something about this tribal-led protest could not be ignored, even by politicians. Initially, the permit application to build the 1,172-mile pipeline, from North Dakota to Illinois, had been fast-tracked through the federal bureaucracy. No matter that it would cut under the Missouri River or destroy ancestral burial grounds. Environmental and tribal concerns were not considered. The permit was granted and that was that. But shortly after the judge’s ruling upholding the permit, three branches of the Obama administration — the departments of Justice, the Interior and the Army — issued a joint statement temporarily suspending pipeline construction . . . and, good God, suggesting the intervention of a larger consciousness:
“. . . this case has highlighted the need for a serious discussion on whether there should be nationwide reform with respect to considering tribes’ views on these types of infrastructure projects.”
Water is life? And the feds give a damn?
As Rebecca Solnit wrote a few days later in The Guardian: “What’s happening at Standing Rock feels like a new civil rights movement” — one, she said, “that takes place at the confluence of environmental and human rights” awareness.
“Indigenous people have played a huge role, as (have) the people in many of the places where extracting and transporting fossil fuel take place, as protectors of particular places and ecosystems from rivers to forests, from the Amazon to the Arctic, as people with a strong sense of the past and the future, of the deep time in which short-term profit turns into long-term damage, and of the rights of the collective over individual profit. All these forces are antithetical to capitalism, and it to them.”
This extraordinary movement is also taking place at the confluence of the past and the future. David Archambault II, Standing Rock Sioux tribal chairman, put it this way recently in a New York Times op-ed: “As American citizens, we all have a responsibility to speak for a vision of the future that is safe and productive for our grandchildren.”
The world’s most powerful governmental bodies have demonstrated an alarming inability to do this on their own, beholden as they are to the military-industrial status quo and its need for endless growth. This is the maw of capitalism, which could care less about the future.
“We are also a resilient people who have survived unspeakable hardships in the past, so we know what is at stake now,” Archambault writes. “As our songs and prayers echo across the prairie, we need the public to see that in standing up for our rights, we do so on behalf of the millions of Americans who will be affected by this pipeline.
“As one of our greatest leaders, Chief Sitting Bull of the Hunkpapa Lakota, once said: ‘Let us put our minds together and see what life we can make for our children.’ That appeal is as relevant today as it was more than a century ago.”
As Winona LaDuke said of the Missouri River itself, this is a force to be reckoned with.
“Water is life!” they cry. “Water is life!”
“It is early evening, the moon full,” she writes. “If you close your eyes, you can remember the 50 million buffalo — the single largest migratory herd in the world. The pounding of their hooves would vibrate the Earth, make the grass grow.
“There were once 250 species of grass. Today the buffalo are gone, replaced by 28 million cattle, which require grain, water, and hay. Many of the fields are now in a single GMO crop, full of so many pesticides that the monarch butterflies are dying off. But in my memory, the old world remains.”
So the monarch is also part of the protest, part of the movement, with its drumbeat reverberating across the planet. The tribal peoples of Earth are making their voices heard in so many ways. Their mission is to reconnect the modern world with the circle of life — a circle that much of humanity left behind maybe ten millennia ago, in pursuit of the Agricultural Revolution and dominion over nature. In the process, we’ve succeeded in changing the climate and, perhaps, establishing a troubling new geological epoch. Now it’s time to rethink “progress.”
Abstract: Many studies have warned that the alarming depletion of water table in many parts of India, unless urgently and effectively arrested, would be irreversible. This steep decline is traced to the over-exploitation of water for human consumption and agriculture. This paper postulates that the culprit behind the dramatic fall in water table can be attributed to one particular change in the farming methods – the use of chemical fertilizers. The use of chemical fertilizers has “opened” a traditional “closed cycle”. When one moves from a closed-cycle to an open-cycle, the system becomes unstable, unpredictable and unsustainable. While the focus of the paper is to evaluate the sustainability of ground water in the context of chemical fertilizer use, it is important to note that changing farming practices have further contributed to severe decrease in soil fertility and crop (genetic) diversity, increased energy consumption and consequent GHG emissions, excessive dissolved salts in water, and a general decline in robustness of the agricultural system to face climate-change vulnerabilities. The paper attempts to revalidate the ability of a closed-cycle system to support sustainable water resources and, possibly even, agriculture.
Introduction:
Water is fundamental to survival and development. While the total quantity of fresh water available might be adequate for current global population (demands) its distribution, accessibility and availability is inconsistent. The world’s most populous countries, India and China have per-capita water access of less than 500 m3/year and 1700 m3/year of respectively. These regions are already water stressed with projected figures indicating a 40+% stress by 2025. Stresses beyond this can have an irreversible cascading effect resulting in famine and starvation. Irrigation accounts for most of the water consumption (85%). The current domestic demands of 8% are the lowest in global comparison, with nearly 230 million inhabitants in south-Asia having no access to improved drinking water sources (WBCSD, 2006). Increasing rural-urban transitions, lifestyle changes and population growth will further increase domestic and agriculture water demands. It is evident that further change in irrigation water-demands will severely affect domestic water availability and sustainability of the region (Frank van Steenbergen and Tuinhof 2009). Irrigation water demands are determined by the farming practices. The noticeable farming practice that has altered in the few recent decades is the adoption of and dependence on inorganic chemical fertilizers. Sustainability of a society implies a state of economic progress in a way so as not to do any irreparable damage to the environment (Kumarappa, 1957). The following sections discuss the sustainability implications of India’s irrigation water demands in the context of fertilizer use.
Sustainability – Agriculture: Traditional farming practices in South Asia were mainly a rain-fed operation, with two harvests in the year; the Kharfi or the autumn harvest and the Rabi or the spring harvest. The transitions between these two cropping sessions were marked with the sowing of various legumes, greens and clover to supplement the lands productivity by enriching the soil with organic nutrients. These organic nutrients are in addition to chaff and cow dung. The first monsoon rains prompted the sowing of the kharif crops and were followed with heavy rains that irrigated the fields and also brought in surface nutrients. The farmers were well aware of variability in climate and the nature (time and intensity) of the first rains revealed the season ahead. In response the farmers adapted to sowing drought-resistant (or flood-resistant) seeds and vegetables (de Boef, 2008) and were extremely knowledgeable in the use of diverse crop and seed varieties in response to varying climatic conditions. Seasonal variations, droughts and floods were not uncommon, but the traditional systems evolved to handle this. A diverse gene (seed) pool was maintained locally through sacred groves or wild-patches and the farmers were extremely adept at responding to climate variability with seeds diversity (Tripathi, 2000; Down to Earth, 2009). Sustainability was possible when the system was fundamentally able to deal with uncertainty (climate variability and change) with (genetic) diversity and adaptability (practices). Ensuring and retaining environmental (farming) vitality (crop diversity and soil nutrients) was crucial for crop yield in lean times. This was ensured through inter-cropping and organic nutrients (UN, 2003; Ladha et al., 2005). A good crop yield is particularly critical to ensure the livelihood of the majority of India’s population occupied with agriculture and allied activities. Of the 6% photosynthetic efficiency (Miyamoto, 1997), if it is assumed that the yield of grains take up 3%, the remainder of 3% of harnessed solar energy goes to the soil as nutrients, given the mixed cropping pattern followed; so practically with every harvest there is a 3% increase in soil nutrients.
Proving the “Malthusian theory” wrong has been mankind’s greatest endeavor in the green revolution – irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers. While it is difficult to debate their success in supporting a burgeoning population, they have been a classic example of weak sustainability. Weak sustainability operates on the premise that economic forces are supreme and can yield nature to predictable (immediate) outcomes (Mani et al., 2005). But, it is also known that they threaten the long-term vitality (strong sustainability) of the system, and as is evident the extensive irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers have only resulted in a drastic decline in crop diversity (regular irrigated conditions), but has also decimated soil fertility (Fukuoka, 1978; Holt-Gimenez, 2006; Harvey, 2010) and denied farmers any livelihood security. Sustainability is primarily to do with a community’s self-reliance and ability/preparedness to respond to uncertainty and change; and not associated with standardized attempts to control uncertainty and change.
Traditional Agriculture Cycle – Overview: While India is gifted with ample rainfall in most regions, however, the rainfall is characterized by frequent heavy spells. This has particular relevance as run-offs, which are generally sediment rich, can be high and with a constant risk of flooding. The dry spells are severe and most surface-water sources run dry leaving ground water as the only source to rely on. To alleviate the conditions of frequent high rains and alternating dry spells, tradition evolved to adopt a system of interconnected lakes and ponds (Reddy and Char, 2006; NWP 2007; Frank van Steenbergen and Tuinhof 2009). These lakes and ponds acted as buffers to store excessive rains water, sumps for fertile silt and nutrients and also provided for year round supply of water during the dry season, in addition to augmenting ground water recharge. The ponds were also in close proximity, convenient and with no problems of mosquitoes as the pond ecosystem ensured a rich aquatic biodiversity that keep the larvae breeding under check. The agricultural practices were also intertwined with this system. The cycle of food production that was being followed since time immemorial is illustrated in Figure 1. When the lake/pond water levels reduced, exposing lake beds in summer, the farmers harvested this nutrient rich silt from the lake bottom to be used as organic fertilizer to enrich the soil. This helped them save on other fertilizers like leaves, compost and animal dung which was often used as a source of fuel (cowdung cakes) for cooking. The desilting of lakes, which was done every summer, year after year, possibly for tens of centuries, also helped in maintaining the storage capacity of the lakes and tanks and also provided easily accessible local nutrients to fertilize the fields. The farmers were self-reliant with their livelihood sustained well. This cycle was a closed one and thus sustainable.
Fig. 1 – Traditional farming cycle
Modern Agriculture Cycle – Overview The demand for food production increased with a burgeoning population. This demand acutely felt in the 1960’s in India could not be immediately accommodated by the traditional farming cycle. Irrigation and modern technology devised mechanisms such as tapping deep aquifers and chemical (inorganic) fertilizers that ensured a good predictable yield; the apparent vulnerability of depending on the (uncertain) monsoon also declined along with specialized few (high yielding) of seed varieties. Native seeds meant for dry spells were rendered useless. The momentary higher yield of the chemical fertilizer in comparison to traditional farming practices (Harvey, 2010) was considered a boon and was adopted rampantly at a global scale to support a gleaming green revolution. These chemical fertilizers were subsidized by the government to encourage use and as an (industrial) economic impetus. In many regions chemical fertilizers completely replaced the use of organic and natural fertilizers. The practice of desilting of lakes and tanks beds for nutrient rich soil stopped, and in a few decades farmers were entirely dependent on the fertilizer supply regulated by the government. Unchecked drawing of ground water for irrigation was also encouraged by free electricity to operate irrigation pump-sets.
It is important to note that chemical fertilizers use petroleum products/natural gas as the primary energy and resource input material (urea) in addition to mining (phosphates) (Matson, 1997; Harvey, 2010). The photosynthetic efficiency still remains the same, except that the nutrients being supplied are inorganic and fossil fuel energy dependent. In comparison to the yield from organic nutrients the energy input in yields from chemical fertilizer use is higher by an order exceeding 65. In addition with constant application of inorganic (chemical) fertilizers made the soil sterile with no natural (nitrogen fixation) ability to generate nutrients; it only served as a sterile substrate for growing seeds on chemical fertilizers. Practically, the harvest from chemical fertilizer use is a petroleum derivative and not an organic/vegetative derivative. A comparison of nutrient values of yields from both organic and chemical fertilizer-use has clearly indicated a disparity, with the organic-fertilizer yield being far superior (Fukuoka, 1978; Edwards et al., 2007). Many experimental studies have shown that in the long-run, yields from organically fertilized lands are superior to that from chemically fertilized lands with almost 25% lower energy-input footprint (Harvey, 2010). In addition, with the adoption of the same “high-yield” seeds for irrigated fields, the pests were evolving to be specialized in infesting the crops requiring the extensive, rampant and dangerous use of pesticides.
Extensive application of these pesticides resulted in their residues flowing into lakes and ponds and disrupting the aquatic ecosystems and making them unproductive. This resulted in extensive breeding of mosquito larvae with threats to local habitations. With growing demand for land, silted and unproductive lake/pond and increasing mosquito menace, reclamation of the lakes/ponds was the inevitable consequence. With enriched local silt (fertilizer) no longer accessible and naturally unproductive farmlands, the farmers were constantly dependent on government subsidized fertilizers. In addition, with a lost local diverse seed-pool, they were further dependent on the apparently “higher yielding bio-engineered” seeds supplied by the government and/or commercial mechanisms making them completely vulnerable to externalities with their ability to be self-reliant completely decimated (Newman, 2006; Jentzsch, 2007). Thus the farming practice shifted from a closed-cycle to an ever vulnerable, unpredictable and unstable opencycle (see Figure 2.)
Figure 02 : Current Modern Farming Cycle
Agriculture and water security/availability: Current State The persistent application and use of chemical fertilizers lead to the lakes not being deslited with unchecked flooding (and run-off of fresh water to the sea) and further impeding the storage capacity of the lakes and ground water recharge. In India, ‘the ground water table is depleting due to overdraft; water logging and salinization due to mostly to inadequate drainage and insufficient conjunctive use; and pollution due to agriculture, industrial and other human activities’ (Raju et al, 2008). In Gujarat and Rajasthan ground water over use has resulted in geogenic fluoride contamination; in Punjab, Haryana, Western Rajasthan and coastal India, ground water is increasingly saline and unfit for consumption; in West Bengal geogenic arsenic contamination is evident; and in most states in Southern India the well yields are declining rapidly, at nearly 2-3 m/year in many cities. Water levels have dropped more than 4 meters between 1981 – 2000 at the rate of 0.2m/year in nearly (Chadha , 2006).
In Karnataka groundwater utilization for irrigation has increased from 1.35 lakh hectares in 1960-61 to 8.61 hectares in 1997-98 accounting for 85-90% of groundwater use. Ground water caters to 85% of rural drinking water needs and nearly half of urban and industrial requirements in Karnataka. 36% of rural areas receive less than 55 liters per capita per day (LPCD) which is the minimum prescribed by the State Water Policy – 2002 (GoK 2004). An estimated 3 lakh wells dug in the 1970’s have run dry, and bore wells have replaced shallow open wells. Currently the state comprises two lakh drinking water bore wells and 12 lakh irrigation bore wells (as against two lakh irrigation wells around 1970’s). Nearly 50% of 234 watersheds studied in Karnataka are overexploited. A detailed study conducted in Bangalore’s Ward 39 indicates that the maximum bore well depth has increased from 200 feet in 1985 to 400 feet in 1995 and currently in excess of 500 feet. Deeper wells have resulted in geogenic contamination (fluoride, arsenic, etc.) and excessive hardness. It is interesting to note that Karnataka hails as the the seventh largest consumer of fertilizer and pesticides in India. An estimated 10-15% of pesticide application reaches the target pests, the rest being dissipated in the air, water and soil. In addition nearly 30% of the state’s tanks have lost their water holding capacity and the rate of silt deposition is an estimated 8.51 hectare meter/100 sq.km/year. This is now directly affecting water availability for hydel power generation (Raju et al, 2008).
While these incidences might look disconnected, they are in fact intricately linked within a closed-loop of human interaction with the natural system. Traditionally the farmers relied on the lakes/ponds/tanks and the open well water for domestic use. With these water sources running dry, the farmers were unable to cultivate in the dry seasons and in addition had to expend most of their productive time in fetching water from distant sources for domestic consumption. Inadequate income from cultivation, saw a shift in occupation, with the larger population of small farmers moving to nearby town and cities as migratory casual laborers with the agricultural system now running the risk of complete disruption (Chadha, 2006). Medium and large farmers could irrigate their farmlands with copious deep-well water (by installation of pumps), initially drawn from depths of 30-60 m in the 1990’s. The government stepped in to help the farmers by providing subsidies to dig bore wells and free power to operate the pumps. This provided an impetus for an unabated increase in bore-well installations and ground water withdrawal resulting in a steep decline in the water table. Pumping water from increasing depths further increases the investment for higher capacity pumps (2 kW – 10 kW) in addition to further increasing (fossil fuel dependent) electricity demand. In comparison to shallow wells, deep aquifers are usually recharged much slower (Winter et al., 1998), over centuries of water percolation through geological formations. Unrestrained extensive withdrawal saw the aquifers running dry even at depths of 200-300 m. This drying of deep aquifers is often followed by infiltration of saline water along coastal reaches which is unusable. Further, digging bore wells is a capital intensive process and many farmers simply could not afford, it even with government subsidy. The system shifted away from an open well, low rate of investment, as open wells require local labour and relatively insignificant rate of investment, that often depended on indigenous non electricity-dependent mechanisms to draw water for irrigation. Bore wells on the other hand, essentially required electricity and a much higher rate of investment. This investment was unaffordable to majority of subsistent farmers leaving them to increasing dependent on rainfall as the only source of water because the lakes/ponds/tanks have silted and the open wells dry. This threatened their livelihood and often made them victims of local money lenders charging unheard-of interest rates. To many farmers, suicide comes as a relief from further impoverishment, debt and unproductive lands (Newman, 2006; Holt-Gimenez et al., 2006). A study of the ground water depletion in three India states of Rajastan, Punjab and Haryana provides an insight into the alarming drop in ground water tables (Rodell et al., 2009). While this data applies to three states, the situation amongst other parts of India, and also possibly the world, is not very different (Hollander, 2009). The water table in villages around Bangalore (Karnataka state, India) has fallen from around 7 m to 300+ m in the last three decades (Singh et al., 2009) with most of the lands being over exploited (Raju et al., 2008, GoK, 2009) and increasingly infertile. Such consequences of a shift from traditional farming practices to extensive dependence on inorganic (chemical) fertilizer-use, though difficult to perceive, is valid, and most pronounced in rural areas (accounting for nearly 65% of India’s population).
India: food and water security It has generally been acknowledged that the green revolution (for food security) has been made possible through the extensive adoption of chemical fertilizers. However, this has not been without consequences. Tracing the trends in agriculture over the past five decades reveal insightful observations. Figure 2 illustrates trends in grain output, irrigated area and fertilizer use in India since 1950 (RBI, 2008-09), prior to the start of the green revolution. The 1950’s saw the government’s initiatives in building irrigation infrastructure including large dams and canals. One can see that the growth in grain output started almost immediately, even prior to the adoption of chemical fertilizers.
Figure 2 (a): Trends in grain production, irrigated area and fertilizer use in India (1950-2008)
In fact the growth in grain output is more closely linked to the growth of irrigated land rather than the growth of chemical fertilizer usage. As illustrated in Figure 2(b), trends in the 1950’s and the 60’s (Fig. 2b) indicate that fertilizer use was yet to take off. During this period the irrigated area grew consistently and the food production followed this graph, clearly indicating that food grain production was more closely linked to the area of irrigated land rather than fertilizer usage.
Figure 2(b) – A closer view of the growth in fertilizer usage, irrigated land and grain output during the initial years of “green revolution”.
However, from the perspective of sustainability, the efficient performance of dam-based irrigation systems is questionable (Hussain, 2005; Rodell et al., 2009; Tilt et al., 2009; Gilbert, 2009) and would bring up another set of issues and problems that need to be addressed. Further, the argument that the per hectare yield in India is far lower when compared to countries like China, Japan, USA, etc., where the usage of chemical fertilizers are more extensive is frivolous, as the very production of chemical fertilizers is itself not sustainable given the fact that it is fossil-fuel based, as discussed earlier in this paper. Gilbert (2009) has recently highlighted the unsustainability in the use of phosphate fertilizers stating ‘Phosphate-based fertilizers have helped spur agricultural gains in the past century, but the world may soon run out of them’.
Conclusion: the vicious cycle The paper reiterates the fact that traditional agricultural practices have moved from a sustainable “closed cycle” system, to an unsustainable “open cycle” system. The sourcing of water from deeper bore wells has lead to another set of problems as these are usually termed as fossil waters and are rich in geogenic fluorides, arsenic and other dissolved salts (Raju et al, 2008). In fact this is a grave problem faced by the country (Rao et al., 2008). For treatment and domestic use of such water, one needs to subsequently depend on reverse osmosis or chemical treatment of water which result in salt-rich residues/sludge that requires careful handling and treatment. This, needless to say, is difficult to operationalize, and the causal disposal of residual salts/sludge would progressively result in other environmental problems, viz., contamination of fresh surface-water reservoirs, toxic grounds, etc. Here, the dissolved salts that have over a few millennia remained deep in the Earth’s crust are being pumped to the surface at an alarming rate. In addition these technologies are power intensive and can be currently traced to fossil-fuel use. The process by which this system has become unsustainable is explained by the simple “arrow diagram” shown in Figure 3.
Figure 3 – Causal progression indicating consequence of increased dependence on chemical fertilizers
One can state that ‘the deeper one goes for resources, the less stable/sustainable the system’. A closed-cycle system would never leave open-ended toxic wastes/residues, and reviving the closed-cycle (see Fig. 1) system would be a solution for long-term sustainability (strong sustainability) (Orecchini, 2007). Residues from a closed-system are generally completely bio-degradable and replenishable. An important rider is that the rate of consumption should be conducive to the rate of replenishment. If not scientific logic, pure necessity is already pushing mankind in this direction. A solution to address the decreasing ground water table is to rejuvenate the lakes and water bodies as mandated by the Jala Samvardhane Yojana Sangha (Raju et al., 2008). But this requires extreme caution, as pollutants in the form of fertilizers, pesticides, lead (from electronic printed circuit boards and batteries), mercury (from fluorescent lamps), etc., would be found in these water bodies. There is an impending risk of these pollutants leeching into the ground water.
In recent years numerous debates are questioning the ability of modern industries and market economies of contributing to a sustainable world (Edwards, 2010; Latouche, 2010; Nigam, 2011). As Mahatma Gandhi observed nearly four decades back that, “Industrialization is, I am afraid, going to be a curse for mankind”. The Gandhian economist Kumarappa (1957) had propounded the Economy of Permanence defining sustainable society as one that manages its economic growth in such a way as to do no irreparable damage to its environment. Causing no irreparable damage is in effect to operate a closed-cycle.
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Co-authors:
Yatish Dravid
Design Graduate
Indian Institute of Science
Bangalore, India
Vivek Umarji
Design Graduate
Indian Institute of Science
Bangalore, India
Associate Professor
Hydrology Research Laboratory
Faculty of Agriculture, Food and Natural Resources
The University of Sydney, NSW
Australia
Abstract
Floods have a devastating effect on human lives and local economies, and therefore the traditional government risk management approach has been to reduce the occurrence probability of floods. As such, the preferred method of flood control is through river regulation and building of dams. While this has been successful in reducing the occurrence of minor to intermediate floods, it comes at significant costs, socio-economic disruption and environmental impact. In addition, even the most regulated rivers are not risk-free in terms of flooding. Given these observations, alternative options in flood management such as “living with floods” are worth considering. With projected changes in the climate, such alternatives become even more attractive.
Introduction
Floods have a devastating effect on the livelihoods of people in many countries (e.g. Yin and Li, 2001) and the actual severity of the floods is possibly increasing in time (Birkland et al., 2003; Varis, 2005). Flooding can cause substantial economic and human losses (Kundzewicz, 1999; Varis, 2005), create a major disruption of daily lives of the downstream population (Tran and Shaw, 2007), destroy infrastructure (Morss et al., 2005), and can lead to diseases and other health issues once the flood peak has passed (Ivers and Ryan, 2006; Tran et al., 2008). In the United States, floods are considered to be the costliest natural hazards (Birkland et al., 2003). Due to public concerns about safety and economic losses in developed countries, the traditional response to flooding in a river basin has been to regulate the river through dams or levees (Birkland et al., 2003). Such construction of dams and levees is based on the view that nature can be effectively controlled by humans (van Ogtrop et al., 2005). In addition, river regulation created advantages for river navigation and can regulate the water supply for human consumption and industry.
Floods are the result of runoff generated by heavy rainfall events in which either the rainfall rate exceeds the infiltration capacity, or total rainfall exceeds the storage capacity of the catchment. The key determinants for the generation of floods are therefore 1) the intensity and the amount (or recurrence) of the rainfall event, and 2) catchment characteristics related to landuse and soil properties. In Australia, there is evidence that the rainfall amount per storm is increasing due to changes in the climate (Alexander et al., 2007; Gallant et al., 2007). Globally, the total amount of rainfall is also expected to increase due to climate change. Models predict a 3% increase while a 7% increase was observed based on satellite derived rainfall data over the last 20 years (Lambert et al., 2008; Previdi and Liepert, 2008).
Land use changes impact the storage capacity of the soil through changes in root depths, litter layers and evapotranspiration, and can also change the infiltration capacity, particular as a result of urbanization and related increases in impervious surfaces in a catchment (Dietz and Clausen, 2008; Kundzewicz et al., 2005; Wheater and Evans, 2009). Furthermore, in many countries, land use has been changing rapidly over the last decades with increased urbanization and clearing of forest and range land areas (Dietz and Clausen, 2008; McAlpine et al., 2007; Yin and Li, 2001). As a result, this has led to major changes in the runoff characteristics, which could explain the observed increase in the number and severity of floods (Birkland et al., 2003).
Most of the past research on the management of floods has taken place in Europe and the United States, resulting in an emphasis on humid systems. River regulation in these countries is extensive (Nilsson et al., 2005) as limiting economic losses through flood prevention is seen as important. Most humid river systems are characterized by regular seasonality in the flow and relatively low coefficients of variation (McMahon et al., 1992), which makes river flow relatively predictable and regulation easier. In contrast, semi-arid systems are characterized by irregular flow and high coefficients of variation in flow. Transmission losses can be high making predictions of flood wave propagation difficult. Some rivers in India, Indochina and China are also characterized by very high sediment loads, which means there geomorphology is dynamic (Ludwig and Probst, 1998). In many areas of the tropics, river regulation is further made problematic due to the occurrence of cyclonic weather systems or very strong seasonality and large flows such as in monsoonal systems. This creates additional problems in terms of managing the natural flows in the river using engineering tools. In addition, lack of human and financial capital in some countries in the tropical development zone, makes it difficult to undertake large engineering projects to manage floods (van Ogtrop et al., 2005).
As a result of these difficulties, alternative strategies for managing floods have been suggested over the last two decades (van Ogtrop et al., 2005; Werritty, 2006). There are a range of reasons why the views on flood management have been changing. This paper intends to first review traditional flood management, its advantages and its impact on the river system. Secondly this paper will discuss alternative management of floods and rivers in particular in relation to uncertainty about climate variability now and into the future. Given the amount of work already focusing on humid systems, this paper will emphasize semi-arid systems and monsoonal systems, such as in Australia and parts of India.
A review of flood management approaches Dams, the engineering approach: management of floods using statistics
Managing floods basically deals with managing risk (Krzysztofowicz, 2001; van Ogtrop et al., 2005). Risk is defined as being the combination of damage and occurrence:
(1)
Traditionally most governments have aimed to reduce the occurrence of floods to manage risk and therefore much research has concentrated on the area of statistical hydrology and engineering. Control structures such as dams and levees have been popular as they give a sense of security (Krzysztofowicz, 2001). Apart from reducing the flood occurrence, dams and levees could serve more than one purpose such as improved navigation and water security (Birkland et al., 2003; Morss et al., 2005). The statistical flood management approach focuses on calculating the recurrence of floods of a certain height and basing the policy decisions about flood management on a “calculated risk”.
The recurrence of downstream flood events is based on the statistical analysis of past data (Lave and Balvanyos, 1998). Basically the cumulative probability distribution is calculated and the flow volumes are plotted against the inverse of the frequency, i.e. 1/frequency equals the return period (Figure 1). In this way, the design of a structure, or zoning for flooding can be based on a desired return frequency. For dam construction the return frequency needs to be very high, i.e. a 1 in 1000 year flood was often a standard (Figure 1). This standard related to the maximum flood that a dam would need to be able to withstand without breaking rather than the maximum flood it should be able to store. It related to the design of the spillway. More recently, the concept of probable maximum precipitation (PMP), and the related probable maximum flood (PMF) have been introduced to further improve dam safety (Pessoa and Cluckie, 1990). This is based on the idea that the observed data are often insufficient and therefore the data need to be extended to include the most severe reasonably possible flood (Pessoa and Cluckie, 1990).
There are different ways to estimate PMF (Lave and Balvanyos, 1998), but in the end, other factors such as construction costs will also influence the decision maker. The PMF does not really have a frequency associated with it and depending on the length of the record used, different values can be found. For example, in many cases peak flows cannot be measured due to limitations on the gauging station and this many of the estimates of high flow have high uncertainty (Pessoa and Cluckie, 1990) and further uncertainty is introduced through regionalization (the combination of data within a region to derive the flood curve). Given that the PMF is a relatively recent development, many existing structures needed to be upgraded, which involved significant costs. Thus the choice of PMF method can become an economic decision rather than a scientific one. Again, the PMF design guidelines relate to the design of the spillway and the amount of water the dam would need to be able to spill to safeguard the dam against failure.
In semi-arid areas flooding is often unpredictable and not regular and data series are often very short. The high variation and therefore unpredictability is particularly visible in the presented frequency curve for the Lower Balonne in South East Queensland (Figure 1). The curve is very steep, even though the return frequency is plotted on a log scale. In addition, much of the climate in Australia appears to be influenced by very long climate cycles, possibly as long as 50 years, as can be seen from the lack of regularity in the Lower Balonne timeseries. Good dam design would therefore require very long data series, which can be problematic in many areas of the world including India and Australia.
In essence, dams are only designed to “hold” smaller floods, because, for a dam to be fully effective for flood control, it needs to include a massive over capacity to cope with the one very large flood. Given that a dam is a major infrastructure investment, most dams are not only designed for flood management but are multi-purpose. This means they combine flood management with power generation, water supply for irrigation or drinking water, and recreational purposes. However these other purposes counteract the effective flood prevention role. A water manager focusing on flood prevention would want a dam to be as empty as possible to store the maximum flood, while a manager focusing on irrigation water storage or power generation would like the dam to be as full as possible. As a result the risk of early spilling is increased resulting in floods downstream.
Figure 1 Example frequency curve for monthly river flow for the lower Balonne river at St. George 1921 – 200. The dashed line indicates the 1000 year return frequency.
The key point is that, despite engineering advances and careful construction, dams neither provide full flood prevention (Krzysztofowicz, 2001; Kundzewicz, 1999; Morss et al., 2005) nor are they fail proof (Lave and Balvanyos, 1998) as their design is essentially based on a statistical approximation of possible floods and are never designed to hold all floods. A clear example of this was the recent floods in January 2011 around Brisbane in Queensland, Australia. In this case the major dam (Wivenhoe dam), which was designed to prevent flooding since the previous flood in 1974 was forced to spill rapidly, causing downstream flooding due to the size of the occurring climatic event. In addition, any estimate includes uncertainty. This uncertainty will most probably increase in the future given climate change effects on rainfall and runoff. Overall dams are thus a costly investment in infrastructure which is not risk free. Further investment will always be needed to manage flood damage, the other component of equation 1.
The fact that dams for flood management are never risk free is probably the reason that most dams have been designed with a multi-use purpose, with decreased downstream flooding as only an “additional benefit”. As an example the newly constructed Three Gorges Dam in China lists improved navigation, flood management and hydropower as the three main purposes of dam construction (Wu et al., 2003).
Environmental impacts of river regulation
Figure 2 Example of the effect of a dam on the low flow frequency in a river. Lachlan river at Cowra (NSW) before (1893-1935) and after construction of Wylangala dam (1972 -2007). After McMahon and Finlayson (2003)
The ecological impact of dams on rivers has been extensively documented (e.g. Johnson et al., 1995; Kingsford, 2000; Puckridge et al., 2000). Globally, about half of all major rivers are impacted by dams, this is called “fragmentation of flow” (Nilsson et al., 2005). In the continental U.S. only 42 large rivers (longer than 200 km) are unimpaired (Graf, 1999; Poff and Hart, 2002). The main impact of river regulation is through the change in flow patterns in the river (Graf, 1999; Magilligan and Nislow, 2005). Low flows are particularly affectded (McMahon and Finlayson, 2003) (Figure 2), but other aspects of flows are also impacted. Ecosystems rely on three main aspects of flow: flow regime (the long term nature of flow), flow history (the sequence of low flow and high flow events) and flow pulse (the height of floods) (Sheldon et al., 2000). Regulation of rivers due to dams changes all three these aspects resulting in major changes in ecology of the riverine system (Magilligan and Nislow, 2005; Puckridge et al., 2000). Changes in the flow patterns can result in the separation of the main channel from the floodplain resulting in reduced recruitment in riparian species, changes in downstream food webs and aquatic productivity (Poff and Hart, 2002).
In winter rainfall dominated areas in Australia and the United States, changes in the timing of the water use from the dam and in the river can lead to flow inversion. This is due to the release of water during summer to match crop demand in irrigation and the collection of high flows in the dam in winter (Magilligan and Nislow, 2005; Walker, 1985). Similar problems would occur in monsoon driven systems, where most flow would be normally be expected during the monsoon season and ecosystems will have adapted to such seasonal trends.
In semi-arid environments, most rivers are losing, that is the groundwater tables are well below the water level in the river. Transmission losses from rivers during flooding are the most important contributions of recharge to the local fresh groundwater (Barbier, 2003; Williams et al., 1989). The loss of flooding downstream and change in flows downstream will therefore greatly impact downstream groundwater resources (Barbier, 2003).
The release of water from a dam generally occurs from a so-called “off take” which takes water from the bottom of the impoundment. Water bodies deeper than 8 m, which are not regularly disturbed, develop a strong temperature and dissolved oxygen gradient (Håkanson et al., 2004). Due to these gradients, releases from dams tend to much cooler (up to 10 oC) and more anoxic than the receiving or original river water and this effect can travel downstream over distances of 100 km (Poff and Hart, 2002; Walker, 1985). Such major changes in temperature and dissolved oxygen can severely affect sensitive ecological processes such as fish spawning and aquatic productivity.
Floodplains of many rivers act as filters for nutrients and reducing flooding concentrates nutrients in the river, which are subsequently being deposited in the ocean. In the case of the Mississippi river this has led to toxic algae blooms in the Gulf of Mexico (Sparks, 1995). In Australia, agriculture and river regulation are having similar impacts on the Great Barrier Reef (McCulloch et al., 2003).
Further and more long-term changes will be geomorphologically. Dams not only affect flow volumes and velocities but also act as a catcher for all sediment in the river, as the water slows down and sediment can settle from the water column within the dam. Sediment is important for the maintenance of fertility in natural and agricultural flood plain systems (Mingzhou et al., 2007; Ogden et al., 2007). Conversely, sediment can have negative impacts on the ecology due to anthropogenic contamination with heavy metals or chemicals (Costa et al., 2006; Lecce et al., 2008; Pease et al., 2007). However, sediment is also important for the river to maintain its geomorphological structure. Hence decreases in flow and reduced delivery of sediment load can change the overall channel and floodplain structure (Grubaugh and Anderson, 1989; Ligon et al., 1995) and particularly in semi-arid areas these changes can be rapid (Petts and Gurnell, 2005).
Dam releases and the concentration of flow in the river channel not only lead to a disconnection, but could also increase the risk of flooding. Flooding of floodplains decreases the velocity of the flood wave and decreases the flood peak through attenuation. Concentrating more of the flow in the river channel will therefore increase the risk of flooding downstream (Sparks, 1995). This is further exacerbated by the fact that clay landscapes of the floodplains which are not regularly flooded will subside, thus creating an even greater potential for flooding (Sparks, 1995).
Social and economic impacts of river regulation
People have a difficult relationship with floods. In western countries such as Europe and the United States and Australia, floods are generally treated as damaging and a risk (Kundzewicz et al., 2005). However despite this, many people perceive the risk of actually being affected by a flood as small (Kundzewicz et al., 2005; McPherson and Saarinen, 1977) even if they live on the floodplain (Krzysztofowicz, 2001; McPherson and Saarinen, 1977), or other risks are seen as more pressing (López-Marrero and Yarnal, 2010). Flood mitigation through dam building and river regulation can create further complacency due the misinterpretation of the risk by the population (Krzysztofowicz, 2001; McPherson and Saarinen, 1977).
In contrast, in many other countries, floods are seen as life giving and important sources of moisture for agriculture (Adams, 1999; Adams, 1985). The disruption of flows by a large dam thus has a similar impact on the agricultural productivity downstream as on the riparian ecology (Adams, 1999), which means dam building includes a socio economic disturbance of a similar magnitude (Adams, 1999; Barbier, 2003; Lerer and Scudder, 1999; Varis and Lahtela, 2002). This is particularly the case if 1) local downstream farmers use so-called “recession farming” and thus grow corps on the residual moisture after the flood (Adams, 1999; Adams, 1985; Barbier, 2003), or 2) the downstream farmers rely on the floods to replenish local groundwater tables (Barbier, 2003). In addition, changes in the river ecology can have major impacts on the opportunities of fishermen downstream from dams (Adams, 1999; Adams, 1985; Varis and Lahtela, 2002).
Dams are often built for more than one purpose, flood mitigation being only one of them (Poff and Hart, 2002). This means that releases are also related to such other purposes, either irrigation water supplies or hydropower generation. As a result dam managers have a tendency to store water in the dam at large volumes for future use and therefore releases are sometimes wrongly timed (Adams, 1999) or insufficient for flood plain agriculture (Adams, 1985).
Finally, while floods are seen as a health risk (Ivers and Ryan, 2006), dams can also pose a health risk (Lerer and Scudder, 1999), partly through the loss of access to water for the poorer communities and partly through an increase in vector borne diseases related to the storage of water. As a sad additional detail, even with all the dam construction occurring in the world, basic sanitation and water needs of many communities are still not being met (Gleick, 2003).
Table 1 Summary of downstream impacts of dam construction for flood mitigation
Time frame
Flow
Environmental
Social/economic
Direct
Changes in flood frequency, changes in temperature and turbidity
Wetted area and lack of replenishment of soil moisture or groundwater
Crop failure due to lack of surface and groundwater water
Medium term
Changes in the flow pattern in the river
Changes in vegetation health and floodplain productivity
Changes in population and livelihood
Long term
Temperature, water quality and water quantity changes
Increased flood peaks due to channel changes
Changes in floodplain geomorphology and overall ecology
Complacency, lack of flood risk perception
Alternative approaches of flood management
As alternative approach to minimizing the occurrence of flooding, we can also minimize damage in equation (1). The concept of “living with floods” has therefore been gaining ground (Kundzewicz, 1999; van Ogtrop et al., 2005). Here flood management focuses on co-existing with floods and adapting society and land development to flood levels. This concept is currently guiding flood management in the Netherlands (van Ogtrop et al., 2005). The aim is to reduce the risk of flood damage rather than reducing the flood occurrence, such as through using dams. In addition, living with floods focuses on public awareness of floods and minimizing environmental degradation (van Ogtrop et al., 2005).
Resilience is a concept which has mainly been used in economical and ecological context (Walker et al., 2004). A resilient system is a system that is able to absorb shocks without changing state. In contrast a resistant system is able to withstand shocks up to certain magnitude after which the system changes state. This concept can also be applied to flood management (van Ogtrop et al., 2005), where a system of dams and levees can be defined as a resistant system, while a system which copes with regular flooding can be seen as a resilient system. The difference between the two is again through the focus on the different elements of equation (1).
Suggestions for resilient flood management systems that minimize damage have ranged from evacuating susceptible low lying areas (Lave and Balvanyos, 1998; Varis, 2005), to improved flood forecasting and upstream catchment management (Varis, 2005). But this could be further expanded with innovative ways of living on floodplains (Kundzewicz, 1999; Tran and Shaw, 2007; van Ogtrop et al., 2005). Sustainable flood management can therefore be defined in terms of three actions: 1) modify susceptibility to flood damage 2) modify flood waters 3) modify impact of flood (Kundzewicz, 1999). Smaller dams and levees might still be needed to protect crucial infrastructure (Kundzewicz, 1999).
But systems can also go backwards. In a study in Vietnam it was found that the traditional system was more resilient than the current system due to changes in the socioeconomics of the region (Tran et al., 2008). In particular, social cohesion and bonding was very important in terms of reducing the impact of flooding on the local community (Tran et al., 2008). Deforestation in the upper catchment due to export demands and a decline in traditional systems of environmental management resulted in an increase of both flood risk and flood damage (Tran and Shaw, 2007).
For Australian semi-arid catchments (inland rather than coastal) damage is generally not a major concern as the population densities are low. In fact, floods are generally welcomed as life giving. Problems only occur around urban centres where economic losses tend to be higher, such as recently in Brisbane. A further example of problems related to human encroachment on the river is related to the recent floods around Rockhampton, Queensland. Here most of the damage was related to an urban area known as “the swamp”. This neighbourhood was locally known as the swamp because it was built on a low lying area adjacent to the river and prone to flooding.
In contrast, some of the irrigated systems in south-east Queensland and northern New South Wales in Australia are dependent on flood water to supplement the uncertain rainfall, but this has, similarly to the construction of dams a major impact on the flood frequency and magnitude (Kingsford, 2000). A system of adaptive flood management that protect small urban centers, but allows widespread flooding elsewhere could easily be implemented. However this would require changes to planning regulations.
Future flood management under increased climate variability
The predicted changes to global climate (IPCC, 2007) will throw up a range of new challenges for flood management. Resilient alternatives in flood management will therefore have to include the predicted effects of climate change. Future climate change effects are predicted to increase global rainfall with the main increases probably occurring in the mid latitude areas (Dore, 2005; Huntington, 2006; Kundzewicz et al., 2005; Lambert et al., 2008; Previdi and Liepert, 2008). More semi-arid areas, such as Australia will probably see increases in the time between rainfall events, while the amounts per event could also slightly rise (CSIRO, 2007; Pitman and Perkins, 2008). In terms of flood management, it means that if the storage capacity in the dams is assumed to stay constant, this will lead to increased overflows from the dams. From a statistical design point of view, the PMF will shift up. This will require further (costly) upgrading of existing structures to reduce the risk of dam failure, as this risk would increase, a trend which might be already evident in the current data (Lave and Balvanyos, 1998).
Climate change and land use change might go hand in hand. Changes in rainfall patterns and temperature would affect vegetation survival and cropping patterns. Increased pressure on forest resources and limited arable land decreases the amount of forest cover in the upper catchments and could increase populations in flood prone areas. It is not clear which might go faster, climate change or land use change, particular in areas with high population pressures, such as South East Asia and India. This is a smaller concern in the less densely populated areas in Australia, where in fact major reforestation is needed, due to increased salinity risks and past land clearing (McAlpine et al., 2007; Pannell and Ewing, 2006).
For Australia, there are some further interesting considerations. Currently large storage dams are used to manage floods and irrigation waters in many of the rivers in the Murray Darling Basin. However, due to the large variability of the climate in Australia, surface water resources are often uncertain and evaporation losses from irrigation storage basins and dams can be high. Reliable groundwater resources would be a preferred option, but there are limitations in pumping capacity and sustainable yield of good quality groundwater. Future climate predictions for Australia indicate an increase in the variability of rainfall affecting both the recurrence of floods and drought periods. Increased recharge into groundwater through increased opportunity of flooding would allow increased use of groundwater for irrigation, i.e. similar to the objectives of rainwater harvesting in India. While the overall amount of water available for irrigation might decrease, the reliability would increase. In terms of dam management, this would either require removal of dams or an increase of so-called “translucent flows” (inflows which are immediately released). Clearly, construction of new dams is not a good choice.
In many countries, flood plain areas are crowded by population due to the high fertility of the areas, or preferences for living “on the water”. For example, during the recent floods in January 2001 in Brisbane in Queensland, the hardest hit suburbs were quite wealthy where people had paid premiums for living close to the river. Moreover in areas with less developed infrastructure, or less developed economies, where people choose to live in flood plain areas because of farming opportunities, this creates additional problems in terms of avoiding flood damage.
As an alternative to high levels of government investment, public participation could be used in finding resilient flood management solutions. Public participation in flood management has two advantages. The first is that solutions can be found which are flexible and low cost. The second is that through participation there is an increased awareness of the flood risk which leads to better preparedness and a decrease in the loss of lives in future floods. As an example, in the earlier mentioned study in Vietnam, it was noted that limited public participation meant that the linkage between environmental management (i.e. land use and land degradation) and flood hazard were not clear (Tran and Shaw, 2007). In addition, social cohesion and bonding were very important in disaster management, such as flooding (Tran et al., 2008). In areas of rapid economic growth, public participation is additionally important to increase awareness of the risk of building and development in flood prone areas (Tran et al., 2008).
In terms of resilience, climate change can deliver some of the shocks which might test the system. A system based on flood management using a dam would have a higher risk of failure and thus a smaller resistance and precariousness than a system based on a “living with floods” concept, or any other system which includes high levels of public participation and a focus on damage minimization (Gersonius et al., 2010; Walker et al., 2004). Under future climatic change it will be even more difficult to minimize the occurrence of floods than to minimize damage from floods.
Summary and Conclusions
In summary, the review in this paper indicates that there are many issues related to management of floods using dam construction (Table 1). Given the projected changes in climate, flood management using dams is not a real viable alternative for the future, because related costs and downstream impacts are significant. Given the increased pressures on government monies and the range of other priorities, alternatives should be considered. An assumption has been that the proposed dam would primarily be constructed for flood mitigation and not for other purposes (such as hydropower, town water supply and irrigation). However, in this paper, it is also indicted that some of these purposes could also be met with other means (using groundwater). Even if there are multiple uses for a proposed dam, arguments for and against construction can be given, but the analysis is more complex.
Flood management using dams is costly, greatly disrupts the environment and is not fail safe. The methods for assessing dam safety are often based on extrapolation of data and include large levels of uncertainty. This is particularly exacerbated in areas of low data density or high variability such as India and Australia. Alternative flood management strategies, such as “living with floods” have opportunities to increase public awareness of flood danger and have less environmental impact. In the light of future changes in climate, increased population and increased pressures on fertile flood plain soils, alternative flood management strategies become even more attractive. In addition, in Australia, increased flooding would allow increased recharge into valuable groundwater resources.
Environmentalist
Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi
Covered with sweat, the chelvanji is at work inside the kuin (well). Already about a depth of thirty to thirty five hands (cubits) have been dug. Now onwards the heat inside will go on increasing. The width of the kuin and its circumference are extremely narrow. Just the distance of a hand separates the back and the chest of the squatting chelvanji from the earth. In such a narrow space one cannot dig with a kulhari (axe) or a phawara (shovel); it is with the help of a basauli that the digging is done. The basauli is a tool which looks like a small phawara with a small handle; the pointed blade is in iron and the handle in wood.
The already hard work being carried out inside the well gets affected by the ambient heat. To lessen the heat, those who are on top, on the earth’s surface, vigorously throw fistfuls of sand from time to time into the pit. Thanks to this, the fresh air of the top is thrust down and the hot, stifling air accumulated down is forced up. The sand grains being thrown from such a height could well hit the head of the chelvanji at work; therefore, to protect his head, the latter wears a headgear made of brass or some other metal as a helmet. Inside, after a little digging, malba collects around the feet of the chelvanji. A little tub (dol) or bucket (balti) is lowered to him with the help of the rope.
The mud is collected into it. When this is brought up, inspite of all the precautions taken, there is still the possibility of some pebbles falling out. The helmet will then protect the chelvanji from these also.
Chelvanjis or chejaros are people who are expert at digging wells and also at doing a very special chinai (covering) of their inner walls. This work is called cheja. The kuin at which the chejaro is working is no ordinary construction. A kuin is in fact a very small kuan (well), kuin is feminine and kuan, masculine. The kuin is actually small only in width, as far as its depth goes, it is quite deep. In Rajasthan, the depth of kuins can vary for specific reasons from place to place.
The kuin differs from the kuan in yet another way. The kuan is dug to tap the water table but the kuin does not access the water table in the same way as the kuan does. The kuin collects rain water in a very special way that too even when there is no rainfall. In other words the water of the kuin comes neither from the surface water which trickles down nor from the water table. It is a complicated affair which can best be described as the upanishadic neti,..neti (not this, not this).
In the desert the extent and the depth of sand are infinite. Here even if there has been heavy rainfall, it does not take long for the water to be absorbed in the ground. But from place to place, beneath the surface of the sand, at a depth ranging from 10 to 15 to 50 to 60 hands, there can be a layer of gypsum. Wherever it is present, this layer is quite long and large; however, since it is covered by sand it is not visible from the top.
In such places it is through the changes detected in the soil that one can discover the layer of gypsum while digging for a kuan. In the case of kuans, water can always be reached at a depth of 150-200 hands but then this water is very often salty. Therefore, it is unfit for drinking. This is why, in such regions, kuins are built. To detect the layer, the experience of generations also comes in handy. Should even a little rain water stagnate in such places, then it is the indication that a layer of gypsum is present there.
This layer stops the water from percolating till the salty water table. In such cases, the rainwater which falls gets trapped between the sandy surface and the gypsum layer beneath it; it then spreads as a humid patch. During periods of intense heat, it is possible for this humidity to evaporate. But in such regions, Nature offers yet another unique kindness. The particles of sand are very fine; they do not stick to each other like the particles of earth do. Where there is attachment (lagav) there is also detachment (algav) . The particles of earth that stick to each other can also be dislodged: that is why some places are bereft. In regions where there is a predominance of black or mixed domat earth such as in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar and others, as soon as rain stops and the sun shines, the earth particles stick to each other and thus there are cracks in the soil, the fields and the yards. Then, the humidity collected in the soil escapes from these cracks as vapour to go back to the atmosphere, the moment the heat starts.
Yet here, union comes from disintegration. Normally in the desert, the sand particles remain dispersed. Since there is no mutual attraction, therefore there is no separation. When rain falls, the particles become a little heavy but still they do not get dislodged. That is why there are no cracks on the surface of the desert. The rainwater that gets collected inside remains there. On one side it is protected by the layer of gypsum, which runs underneath, and on the other side, the innumerable particles of sand stand on rigorous watch on the surface.
Every single drop which falls in this region penetrates the sand and is transformed into humidity. Thus when a kuin is made, its belly, its empty cavity transforms the humidity present in the sand surrounding it into drops once more. Each drop seeps in to fill up the kuin with water – water as sweet as ambrosia in an ocean of salty water.
To access this ambrosia the people of the desert like the Gods during the samudra manthan have not spared any effort. They elaborated a whole science to translate their experience into practicality. This science classifies the available water into three forms. The first form is palar pant, which is water that is directly obtained from the rains. This water falls on the surface of the earth and is contained in rivers, lakes adi (etc). The word adi itself is pregnant with meanings, which will be revealed later on.
The second form is called patal pani, or one can say ‘hadean water’, (i.e., actually subterranean water). This refers to the water table, which is accessible from wells.
Between the palar and patal forms we have the third form of water which is rejani pani. This water percolates through the earth surface but does not reach the water table.
To measure the rainfall the terms inches or centimetres are not used; instead it is the word reja which is used. And reja does not measure the precipitation which falls on the surface; it measures the amount of water stored within the earth’s surface. If there has been a rainfall in the desert, which allows five fingers of water to infiltrate into the earth, then it is said that five fingers reja rain has fallen.
Thanks to the gypsum layer, the rejani water does not mix with the patali water. In the absence of such a layer, the rejani water slowly percolates to the water table and thus loses its specific properties. For if at places the water table is salty then on reaching it, the rejani water too will become salty.
It is indeed a special art to construct a kuin which will be able to collect this special rejani water. The chejaro who takes down a kuin having a circumference of 4 to 5 hands to a depth of 30 to 60-65 hands amply measures the skill and caution required.
Chejo, which is the art of covering with (chinai), is die very life of the kuin. The smallest error while doing this work can cost the life of the chejaro. Every day, a little bit of digging is done, the debris are removed with the help of a dol (tub), then any further digging in stopped and the covering of the surface of the work done so far is done so that there is no caving in.
As the cejaro goes deeper at a depth of 20-25 hands, it starts getting hotter and hotter and the air starts getting rarer and rarer. Then fistfuls of sand are thrown from the top. The gust of air which displaces the huge sand dunes of the desert then wafts from the small fistful of sand to reach the sweating chelvanji down below and give him some respite. At places this already difficult work of making a kuin gets further complicated. At such places it is not possible to stop the earth from sliding by lining it with stones; in such cases the kuin has to be ‘tied’ with ropes.
The first day, at the same time as the kuin is dug, a huge pile of grass named khimp is collected. “While the chejaro starts the digging, the rest of the people start weaving a rope which is three fingers thick with the khimp. At the end of the first day’s work, the kuin reaches a depth of about ten hands. The first circle of rope is then installed by setting the rope against the wall; on top of the first circle, comes the second one and on top of the second, the third circle, then the fourth and so on and so forth. The thick and coarse khimp rope presses with all its weight at each round and each round of rope gets interlocked with the other as they are rolled on top of each other. The extremity of the rope reaches the ground level.
The next day more digging (the length of a few hands) takes place; a few more hands of earth is dug out and the kundali (coils) of rope which was fixed the previous day is then shifted to the newly dug area. The upper part of the free wall is then covered with new rope. To maintain the coils of rope on the wall, in between they are covered with chinai (masonry work).
For a 5 hands large kuin, 15 hands of rope is required to make just one coil of the kundali. For a depth of one hand, 8-10 coils of rope are required and this itself measures up to 150 hands. Therefore, if a 30 hands deep kuin has to be lined then one requires a rope of around 4,000 hands. People who are watching and are not familiar with the process will wonder what is going on: the digging of the kuin or the making of rope?
At some places neither too much gypsum nor too much khimp is found. Yet if rejani water is present kuins are definitely dug. At such places the wall of the kuins arc lined with long slabs of wood, made from the branches of ami, ban, bawal, or kimbat. The ami is best suited for this work. However, even if the best or second best wood is not available, one can always use ak.
The slabs are made to stand, bottom to top, interlocked with each other. They are then tied together with the khimp rope. At places even the chag rope is used. This tying up too has the shape of a kundali and is therefore sometimes called sampni the serpentine.
The chelvanji, who is busy digging and lining the kuin, knows the properties of the soil very well. The moment he touches the layer of gypsum, the work is stopped. At that moment the water starts oozing, and the chejaro comes up.
The successful completion of the kuin, i.e., when water is reached, becomes the occasion of a celebration. In any case, normally from the very first day good care is taken of the workers, as per the traditions of this place; but on the completion of the work there is a celebration and a special feast is organised. At the moment of departure, the chelvanji receives several types of gifts. Jt is not as if from that day the relationship between the chejaro and the village is over. According to tradition, throughout the year, during auspicious occasions and festivities, during weddings, he receives the gifts customarily given to members of the family and close friends. During harvest, in the khadiyan, a special pile of cereal is kept for him. Nowadays the tradition of just giving a salary for the work done has been adopted.
There are many places where instead of the chejaro, ordinary householders themselves become masters of the art. In several villages of Jaisalmer, the kuins made by Paliwal Brahmins and meghwalas (counted as a scheduled caste today) two hundred years ago are still tirelessly providing water.
There are three major reasons for keeping the mouth of the kuin narrow. The drops of water coming from the humidity trapped in the sand seep in very slowly. Throughout the day the amount of water that gets collected in the kuin is barely enough to fill two to three pots. The amount of water lying at the bottom of the kuin is so little that were the opening to be large, the small amount of water would spread and then it would be impossible to bring it up. In the narrow kuin, the water, which slowly oozes in, attains a height of 2-4 hands. At some places, for this very reason, instead of using a small bucket for pulling the water up, a small charas (water skin) is used. A metal bucket does not get immersed. But the water skin made of coarse cloth or leather has a heavy iron ring around its neck. When the charas hits the water, the heavy top part falls on the lower part and thus, the charas gets properly immersed even in the small amount of water. Once it gets filled, when it is brought up, the charas takes its full shape.
Of late, roads have been built around some villages and trucks go by them. In such villages we find that small charsis have been fashioned out of torn tyre tubes.
Another reason determining the circumference of the kuin is the scorching heat that prevails in these regions. If the circumference is big then the water within the kuin will spread and the big circumference will not be able to stop the water from evaporating.
To keep the kuin and its water clean it is necessary to cover it and it is easier to cover a narrow opening. Generally all the kuins are covered with a wooden cover; however, at places one may also find covers made of small twigs or grass like vetiver. Where new roads have been built, leading to the increased coming and going of unfamiliar and new people, there the water, which is as sweet as ambrosia, needs to be protected. At such places, often, small locks have been put on the cover of the kuins. Locks are also put on the pulley (ghirni) or the wheel (chakri) fixed to the kuin for pulling water.
If the kuin is deep then a ghirni or a chakri is fixed to it to facilitate the pulling out of water. This device is also known as gaderi., charkhi, or pharedi. The pharedi could also be fixed on two iron arms. However, generally, it is fixed on a rounded, strong trunk, after a hole has been bored through it. This is called audak. Without the audak and charkhi it would become very difficult to draw water from such a deep and narrow well. The audak and the charkhi enable the charsi to come up without hitting against the wall of the well and without spilling water. It is also helpful to pull the heavy weight.
A gypsum layer usually runs for a long distance and that is why all along this length kuins are constructed. In fact, at places, one can find 30-40 kuins in a big and clean field. To each house its kuin^ and if the family is large then there is more than one.
The sacrosanct line, which divides private property from common property, gets strangely erased when it comes to kuins. To each their own kuin; everyone has the right to construct a kuin and use its water. However, the kuin is constructed on land which is the collective property of the village. The rain which falls there remains throughout the year in the form of humidity and it is this humidity which feeds the kuins throughout the year. The amount of humidity present is determined by the amount of rainfall. Constructing a kuin in that area means sharing the humidity present there and that is why, though the kuin is a private property, since it is constructed on collective property, it falls under the control of the village society. It is only in case of dire necessity that permission is granted to build a new kuin.
Each day the kuin reinforces the meaning of the well-known proverb about the goose with the golden egg: throughout the day only 2 to 3 pots of sweet water can be drawn from the kuin. That is why, every day, at dusk, when the cows come back home raising dust, the village assembles around the kuins and it looks as if a mela (fair) is on. In the plain adjoining the village, the sound of the pulleys of the 30 to 40 kuins, turning at the same time mingles with that of the bells of the cattle returning from the grazing grounds. After 2 to 3 pots are filled up the bucket and ropes are kept back, the kuins are covered again. Throughout the night and throughout the next day the kuins will rest.
It is not as if gypsum layers are present under the sand throughout Rajasthan; that is why kuins are not to be found everywhere. However a gypsum layer does run through Churu, Bikaner, Jaisalmer and Badmer: that is why, in these districts, kuins are to be found in each village. In fact, in the district of Jaisalmer, in the village named Khadedo Ki Dhani there were 120 kuins. People used to call this village cha-bisi (six times twenty). At places the kuins are called par and several villages of Jaisalmer and Badmer owe their existence to these pars which explains why several villages have the suffix par attached to their name: Janare Alo Par, Sirgu Ah Par.
The name of the gypsum layer can change from place to place. Somewhere it is called charoli and somewhere else dhandbro or dhardharo. Somewhere it is bittoo ro balliyo and elsewhere it is just khadi.
And it is on the strength of this khadi that in the midst of a salty water region, the kuin gives sweet water.
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Anupam Mishra
Anupam Mishra travels across India studying rainwater harvesting methods and learning from the local people behind them. He presents his findings to NGos, development agencies and environmental groups, pulling from centuries of indigenous wisdom that has found water for drinking and irrigation even in extremely arid landscapes through wells, filter ponds and other catchment systems. Anupam Mishra has been working to bridge the gap between modern water manage- ment technology and india’s heritage of water harvesting, so that every community is self-sustainable and efficiently safekeeping an increasingly scarce and precious resource. Anupam Mishra has served Gandhi peace foundation, New delhi as the secretary.